Views of Mukthi


28/05/2011 19:14

Khaleda zia is a gigantic lady, her two mammoths sons TAREQ & KOKO the greatest thefts of the century. Within 5 years they became multimillionaire by stealing govt properties which is called



Former premier and BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia went berserk and yelled at the top of her lungs asking whether her son was such a thief that he would have to flee the country, said former state minister for home affairs Lutfozzaman Babar during questioning by the Task Force for Interrogation (TFI).
Babar was recalling his experience in planning Tarique Rahman's supposed departure from the country to avoid the incarceration he is currently in.

"Before Tarique Rahman was arrested, we used to get information from different sources that he might get caught. So I, Mannan Bhuiyan, Falu and Qamrul held a secret meeting in Mannan's residence and decided that Tarique would be sent abroad for two or three years," Babar told the TFI.

He said they planned that Tarique would be brought back home with a hero's welcome if BNP would come back to power again.

"As everything got finalised Falu narrated the matter to Khaleda Zia using my name before he took her to Hawa Bhaban in the same evening. Listening to the plan, madam went ballistic and began shouting at the top of her lungs in her residence," Babar said.

"Arriving at Hawa Bhaban, she started yelling again asking where are the conspirators Mannan Bhuiyan and Babar? Is my son such a big thief that he will have to flee the country?" Babar quoted Khaleda as yelling.

Babar also told the interrogators that about a year or so ago Khaleda Zia called him in and told him that she had Tk 20 crore in different places which she wanted to keep with one Kamal. She also told him that the money would later be used during elections.

Sources claimed that Babar told the investigators that Khaleda wanted to know from him whether he knew any trustworthy people with whom the money could be kept safely for a year, and in reply Babar told her that finding such people would be a very tough task for him.

Babar also told the interrogators that when Khaleda raised the issue again on the next day when he went to meet her, he asked his brother to keep the money. His brother then got angry with him telling him not to get involved in such matters warning him that those kinds of activities would come back to haunt him one day. Babar said a day later he asked his brother whether he could help him as his 'madam' had given him the task trusting him.

According to the sources, Babar told the interrogators that some days before he asked Khaleda for an approval to open up a bank and then he sat with some people to work out a plan. However, they told Babar that banks require a big amount of investment and the money would be collected in the name of BNP, a portion of which would be given to Babar as his share.

Babar also said he whitened a large amount of money through his brother in the name of a company after his meeting with the aspiring bank owners. The former home ministry boss also said later he brought the matter to Khaleda's attention who introduced him to a man who later turned out to be the person who had arranged to hundi Tk 20 crore, a portion of which Babar used to invest in the banking business he was trying to embark on.

Babar said suddenly he came to know that the Tk 20 crore was part of the money that had been taken from Warid Telecom as a bribe.

Tareq Rahman: fucking son of khaleda zia Tk 20cr Bashundhara bribe recovered from Babar
The former Home boss received the money in exchange for absolving Sobhan's son from murder charge, money deposited with BB; conglomerate paid Tk 25 lakh to AL leaders a month


The joint forces have recovered Tk 20 crore, which arrested former state minister for home Lutfozzaman Babar received from Bashundhara Group in exchange for not implicating the conglomerate's boss' son in a murder case.

The forces deposited the money with Bangladesh Bank yesterday, sources said. In July last year, Humayun Kabir Sabbir, a director of Bashundhara Group owned by Ahmed Akbar Sobhan, was murdered and his body was found lying outside an apartment building in Gulshan. Sobhan's son Shafiat Sobhan was the main suspect in the killing. Sobhan came to a negotiation with Babar that he would pay him Tk 20 crore in exchange for not implicating his son in the murder case, the joint forces came to know from another Bashundhara director recently. The director told the forces that he used to reach the money in small sums to Babar at his residence, sources said.

But when the director brought Tk 1 crore to Babar one day, the former state minister felt it unsafe to receive money in that manner and asked him to take the money to Qazi Saleemul Huq, owner of GQ Ball Pen Industries and a director of Prime Bank. Saleemul deposited the money with the bank. Babar asked him to return the money at a later time, the Bashundhara director told the forces.

Getting cue from the Bashundhara director, when the joint forces inquired with the Prime Bank about the money, Saleemul admitted to safekeeping the money for Babar. He also handed the money to the joint forces in a draft, which was then deposited with the central bank yesterday. After receiving the bribe, Babar had allegedly instructed the police not to proceed with the case and the Bashundhara director's murder still remains unsolved. Babar also allegedly let Sobhan's son Shafiat fly out of the country.

The joint forces also deposited another Tk 7 crore with Bangladesh Bank recovered from a Chittagong businessman. The details of the businessman could not be known.

Meantime, more revealing information about how Bashundhara Group expanded its business on an amazingly fast track in the last five years with the blessing of BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Tarique Rahman was extracted from arrested Awami League (AL) leaders.


At the age of 42 Tareq made his first significant step in politics in 2002, when ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party was announced that he had been promoted to a senior position. Mr Rahman rapidly acquired a reputation for being a “hatchet man” for enforcing party discipline. Mr. Rahman appears to prefer working behind the scenes. His private office “Hawa Bhavan” was widely viewed by political opponent Awami League as the driver of the country’s mismanagement and corruption during 2001 to 2006 while his mother Khaleda Zia was the Prime Minister. He rarely speaks to the press, and is renowned for his reticence in the few media interviews he has given.


Under the present care taker government on March 7, 2007, Tareq Rahman was arrested by law enforcing Joint Forces. He is charged with extortion and other corruptions. He initially denied the charges. But later the situation turned dramatically when other arrested BNP political leaders started to disclose information on Tareq Rahman’s corruption. Especially the arrest of former state minister for home affairs Lutfozzaman Babar on May 29, 2007 brought a huge downfall of Tareq’s public image. Mr. Babar provided evidence of Tareq Rahman’s corruption. But trail has not started for these charges yet. Khaleda Zia claimed in the court that her sons had not committed any crime as they did not need money.

Bangladesh’s Interim Government has tightened its grip on civil liberties while it’s anti graft campaign gathers speed, sparing none in its path. Yesterday evening Fakhruddin Ahmed’s provisional administration outlawed all political activities “public or private”, because “certain parties have been misusing flexibility conceded to them”. A state of emergency has been in act in the country since January 11th last, following weeks of violent protest between activists from the majority political parties. The general elections, which were due to be held on the 22 of February, have been put off indefinitely. Fakhruddin - ex govern of the central bank - has pledged to put an end to corruption before establishing a date for elections.

In recent weeks security forces have arrested over 150 politicians, charged with corruption. Yesterday it was the turn of Tareque Rahman, joint Secretary General of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and son of ex leader Khaleda Zia. Police are holding him for interrogation on charges of extortion to the value of 145 thousand dollars; but other claims against him are far more serious. Analysts in country contacted by AsiaNews tell that in the last 5 years of the BNP government – lead by his mother - Tareque was “the epicentre of high level crime and corruption: an example are the billion dollar contracts approved by him, such as those given to Chinese companies to build enormous power plants. These companies did not posses the technical now how to build the plants which from the very start have struggled to meet 50% of their expected output”.

The UN anti corruption agency declared Bangladesh “the most corrupt country in the world” 5 years in a row. In 2006 the prize passed into other hands, leaving Bangladesh in “only” third place. “Corruption is widespread, from the postman to ministers, from teachers to judges” experts note. “People constantly discuss it, politicians make promises, but no one actually believes its levels can even be reduced”.
If Ershad is barred from running in next election due to corruption charges, then what about Khaleda Zia and her family members. She must explain to people how her family became one of the richest families in the world from the day of broken suitcase and ragged T-Shirt. Her son Tareque Zia is well known as Mr.10%. By special blessing of Khaleda Zia, from the street Falu Mia earned more than Tk1,000 Cr. Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan became the owner of private TV Channel.

Vicious circle of syndicate under direct patronization of Tareque Zia plundered thousands of crores Takas from the pocket of common people by hiking the prices of all commodities. In terms of corruption, Ershad was infant compared to Khaleda Zia's family all MPs and Ministers of immediate past BNP-Jamaat govt.Most of the people in Bangladesh did not support the massive corruption done by BNP-Jamaat alliance, so people won't vote for them again. People will vote for a new govt. to punish Khaleda Zia, Tareque Zia and all other MPs and Ministers of immediate past BNP-Jamaat govt.All their properties will be seized by the newly elected govt. to form a National Trust.

So, In Coming Election the Main Agenda is to defeat toxic BNP-Jamaat alliance in order to put Khaleda Zia, Tareque Zia and all other thug MPs and Ministers of erstwhile BNP-Jamaat govt. in jail for record breaking misrule and massive corruption.


Ziaur Rahman, a Major in the Pakistan Army, Zia's unit (2/5 East Bengal Regiment) took control of the Kalurghat radio station in Chittagong at the onset of the Bangladesh Liberation War and on BEHALF OF BENGALI NATIONALIST LEADER (FATHER OF THE NATION) BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN MADE THE MOST WIDELY TRANSMITTED DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF BANGLADESH which was the third and last in a series of such declarations. Recognized as a war hero, he was honored with the second highest national award Bir Uttom in 1972. A high-ranking accomplished officer in the Bangladesh Army, Zia was appointed chief of army staff in course of dramatic events that evolved following the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 by a group of junior military officers and these army personnel met Ziaur Rahman at his residence to killed Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. This was followed shortly by another coup and counter-coup and ultimately led to the consolidation of power under Zia as Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator. The counter-coup, sometimes referred to as a sepoy mutiny was organized by the socialist Colonel Abu Taher.

Ziaur Rahaman assumed the office of the President of the country in 1977 He engaged himself in politics by floating a political party that came to be known as janodal. Later he founded the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. For achieving popular support, he adopted policies bringing the government increasingly under Islam, which he included in the national constitution. It has been alleged that Zia helped individuals involved in the assassination of Sheikh Mujib rehabilitate home and abroad, immunized by the Indemnity Act. He also came to be known as Mr. Clean for his unquestionable integrity.


On August 15, 1975 Sheikh Mujib and his family were killed by a group of military officers. One Sheikh Mujib's cabinet ministers Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad were appointed the president and, subsequently, Major General Ziaur Rahman was appointed as the army chief after removal of Major General Shafiullah. However, the coup of 15 August caused a period of instability and unrest in Bangladesh and more so across the ranks and files of the army. Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf and the Dhaka Brigade under Colonel Shafat Jamil made a counter-coup on November 3, 1975, and Ziaur Rahman was forced to resign and was put under house arrest. A third coup was staged under Colonel Abu Taher and a group of socialist military officers and supporters of the left-wing Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal on November 7, called the "National Revolution and Solidarity Day" (Sipoy-Janata Biplob) (Soldiers and People's Coup) Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf was killed and Colonel Jamil arrested, while Colonel Taher freed Ziaur Rahman ( After few months Ziaur Rahman arrested and execute Colonel Taher )and re-appointed him as army chief. Following a major meeting at the army headquarters, an interim government was formed with Justice Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem as chief martial law administrator and Zia, Air Vice Marshal M. G. Tawab and R ear Admiral M. H. Khan as his deputies. Zia also took on the portfolios of home affairs, finance, industry and information along with becoming the army chief of staff. However, discipline in the army had totally collapsed and it was difficult to disarm the soldiers and put them back to the barracks. Fearing that Colonel Abu Taher, who in fact rescued him few months earlier, would attempt to organise another revolt, Zia ordered his arrest. Following a secret trial in a military court, Zia authorised the execution of Colonel Taher on July 21, 1976. Zia became the chief martial law administrator following Justice Sayem's elevation to the presidency on November 19, 1976. He tried to integrate the armed forces, giving repatriates a status appropriate to their qualifications and seniority. While this angered some veterans of the Mukti Bahini, who had rapidly reached high positions following liberation in 1971, Zia defused potential threats from discontented officers by sending them on diplomatic missions abroad.

Ziaur Rahman Rehabilitate the war criminals and former Prime Minister Shah Azizur Rahman was one of them.

(Bengali: শাহ আজিজুর রহমান) (1925 - 1988) was a Bangladeshi politician who served as the Prime Minister of Bangladesh. However, he was the subject of considerable controversy for his collaboration with the Pakistan Army against the struggle to establish Bangladesh. Shah Azizur Rahman was born in Kushtia of the province of Bengal (now in Bangladesh). As a student political leader, Rahman participated in the Bengal Provincial Muslim League and the Pakistan movement. At the outbreak of the Bangladesh Liberation War, Rahman supported the Pakistani state forces and denounced the Bengali nationalist struggle, joining Bengali politicians such as Nurul Amin, Golam Azam and Motiur Rahman Nizami. He would lead the Pakistani delegation to the United Nations in November 1971, where he would emphatically deny that the Pakistan Army's Operation Searchlight had degenerated into genocide. Following the defeat of Pakistan in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, Rahman continued to reside in Pakistan. In the post-war period, authorities estimated that over a million people had been killed in Bangladesh by Pakistani state forces and collaborating militias. Rahman would continue to lobby Muslim nations in the Middle East to decline diplomatic recognition to Bangladesh.


Shah Azizur Rahman was permitted to return Bangladesh after liberation war. Shaikh Mujibur Rahman was a good friend of him and released Shah Aziz from jail. There are saying that while Azis was in prison Mujib provide his family 3,000 taka each month. When Major General Ziaur Rahman became the President of Bangladesh, zia allow Aziz to take part in national election and appointed him to the post of prime minister. Rahman also helped Zia organise the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which won the 1978 parliamentary elections. Both Zia and Azizur Rahman have received fierce criticism for issuing the Indemnity Act, which gave amnesty to the killers of Sheikh Mujib and legalised the military coups of 1975.


গোলাম আযম-ঘু আজম) (Born 7 November 1922) is a Bangladeshi political leader who is recognized by the Bangladeshis as one of the worst war criminals of the Liberation War of Bangladesh. The former Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, he opposed the independence of Bangladesh both during the liberation war and upon its liberation on December 16, 1971 and lead the formation of Shanti Committee, Razakar and Al-Badr to thwart the freedom fighters of Bangladesh. He also lobbied against the acknowledgment of new-born Bangladesh after 1971.

He was a permanent resident of England until 1978, and maintained Pakistani citizenship until 1994 due to the decision by the Bangladeshi government at the time to refuse him citizenship. From 1978 to 1994 he lived in Bangladesh illegally without any authorized Bangladeshi visa.In 1994, the Supreme Court upheld the decision to restore his citizenship of Bangladesh as a matter of birth-right.He was the leader of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh until 2000.


Azam entered politics as a student leader at Dhaka University, and in 1947 became the Secretary General of the Dhaka University Central Students Union. Among his earliest campaigns was participation in the Bengali Language Movement during 1950s. He submitted the memorandum to the Pakistan government demanding Bengali as one of the state languages, on behalf of the students of Dhaka University, following the demand made by Dhirendranath Datta in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly in February 1948 and the resulting nationalist uprising in East Bengal. Azam, however, distanced himself from the Language Movement when it became clear that it was becoming a rallying call for a secular Bengali nationalist movement rather than one focused on Bengali Muslim activism alone. Since his return to Bangladesh in the 1970s Ghulam Azam has never participated in the official commemorations of the Language Movement and he and his party celebrate that event separately.

Azam became the secretary of the Islamist political party, Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, in 1957. Later, he became the Ameer (president) of the Jamaat in East Pakistan in 1969. He was also a participant in the formation of the Pakistan Democratic Alliance in 1967.


During the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, Azam played a central role in the formation of Peace Committees, which declared the independence movement to be a conspiracy hatched by India.[2] Azam was one of the founding members of this organization.[2] After the genocide of 25th March Pakistani forces lost control of Bangladesh. To help control this situation Pakistani army set up a network of peace committees superimposed upon the normal civil administration as army couldn't rely upon that administration. Peace Committee members were drawn from Jamaat-e-Islami led by Ghula Azam, Muslim League and Biharis. Peace committee served as the agent of army, informing on civil administration as well as general public. They were also in charge of confiscating and redistribution of shops and lands from Hindu and pro-independence Bengali- mainly relatives and friends of the freedom fighters. Almost 10 million Bangladeshis fled to neighboring India as refugees. The Shanti Committee also recruited Razakars. Razakars were common criminals who had thrown their lots with the army 

the war criminals of bangladesh liberation war should be punished without any mercy

19/05/2011 09:57

 We demand Capital punishment to the criminal against humanity in 1971

We, people of Bangladesh, celebrate our great Victory Day on 16th December and Independent Day on 26th March. At the same time, we observe 14th December as the Intellectuals Martyr Day with deep mourning.

We are proud of our seven “Bir Shrestho” along with all Freedom Fighters. We mourn for the Martyr who sacrificed their lives and for those women who lost their chastity for the sake of Independent Bangladesh.

On the other hand, “Jamati Islami” were dead against of the birth of Bangladesh rather they fought against our Great Freedom Fighters, killed innocent Bangali, raped young girls and women, robbed and fired as the collaborators of Paki Army.

The think tank of “Jamati Islami” Abul Ala Moududi and Golam Azam were giving speech in home and abroad especially Middle East and other Muslim countries in favour of Paki Army (whatever they were doing) and their fellow Motiur Rahman Nizami, President of the Islami Chhatra Shongho (later it became Islami Chhatra Shibir in Bangladesh), Ali Ahsan Muzahid, Chief of Al-Badr (this ferocious para-military force killed the intellectuals), Kamaruzzaman (who was achieved the notoriety as butcher and robber in that time in Sherpur) and many more executed their mission “to protect Pakistan” (!?) by killing, raping, robbing and handing young girls and women over their “God Father” Paki army. 

We are ashamed on watching our National Flag to be graced on that criminal’s cars and hearing the arrogant speech of those Jamaties. Such as, in 2007, Ali Ahsan Muzahid said “THERE IS NO FREEDOM FIGHTING OCCURRED IN BANGLADESH. .....THERE IS NO WAR CRIMINAL IN BANGLADESH.” LATELY, ITS ACTING “AMIR” MOKBUL HOSSAIN SAID “THERE IS NO ACTION ABOUT RECENT KILLERS THEN WHAT ABOUT KILLING BEFORE 40 YEAR?” 

The arrogant speech of the Jamati proves that they were involved in committing the crime in 1971. Now, if we celebrate our National Days, observe the Intellectual Martyrs Day, mourn for the Martyrs and if we are proud of the Bir Srestho, Freedom Fighters and the birth of Bangladesh; then what should we do about those Jamaties?

Truth and falsehood never go parallel. If we go for the truth, we must deny the falsehood. Simply if we love Bangladesh, we will have to hate the enemies of Bangladesh like those Jamaties. If we don’t want to disgrace our National Flag once again, we have to boycott those culprits politically and socially. But as a son of a Martyr, I do demand the capital punishment to the black sheep. 

I congratulate the Present Govt. for taking initiatives against those criminals on trial under International Tribunal Act. Go ahead the Govt. of Sheikh Hasina, we all patriot of Bangladesh are with you. Most importantly, Allah is with us. Allah is always with those who are with the truth. In 1971, two supreme power US and China were with them. But Allah was with unarmed Bangali. So we won the war. Though we lost our beloved ones but we got our desired Bangladesh. We do believe, we are with the truth. So victory will be ours.  Uncompleted   


17/05/2011 11:26


The life of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the saga of a great leader turning peoplepower into an armed struggle that liberated a nation and created the world’s ninth most populous state. The birth of the sovereign state of Bangladesh in December 1971, after a heroic war of nine months against the Pakistani colonial rule, was the triumph of his faith in the destiny of his people. Sheikh Mujib, endearingly called Bangabandhu or friend of Bangladesh, rose from the people, molded their hopes and aspirations into a dream and staked his life in the long battle for making it real. He was a true democrat, and he employed in his struggle for securing justice and fairplay for the Bengalees only democratic and constitutional weapons until the last moment. It is no accident of history that in an age of military coup d’etat and ‘strong men’, Sheikh Mujib attained power through elections and mass movement and that in an age of decline of democracy he firmly established democracy in one of the least developed countries of Asia.

Sheikh Mujib was born on 17 March 1920 in a middle class family at Tungipara in Gopalganj district. Standing 5 feet 11 inches, he was taller than the average Bengalee. Nothing pleased him more than being close to the masses, knowing their joys and sorrows and being part of their travails and triumphs. He spoke their soft language but in articulating their sentiments his voice was powerful and resonant. He had not been educated abroad, nor did he learn the art of hiding feelings behind sophistry; yet he was loved as much by the urban educated as the common masses of the villages. He inspired the intelligentsia and the working class alike. He did not, however, climb to leadership overnight.

Early Political Life: His political life began as an humble worker while he was still a student. He was fortunate to come in early contact with such towering personalities as Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy and A K Fazlul Huq, both charismatic Chief Ministers of undivided Bengal. Adolescent Mujib grew up under the gathering gloom of stormy politics as the aging British raj in India was falling apart and the Second World War was violently rocking the continents. He witnessed the ravages of the war and the stark realities of the great famine of 1943 in which about five million people lost their lives. The tragic plight of the people under colonial rule turned young Mujib into a rebel.

This was also the time when he saw the legendary revolutionary Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose challenging the British raj. Also about this time he came to know the works of Bernard Shaw, Karl Marx, Rabindranath Tagore and rebel poet Kazi Nazrul Islam. Soon after the partition of India in 1947 it was felt that the creation of Pakistan with its two wings separated by a physical distance of about 1,200 miles was a geographical monstrosity. The economic, political, cultural and linguistic characters of the two wings were also different. Keeping the two wings together under the forced bonds of a single state structure in the name of religious nationalism would merely result in a rigid political control and economic exploitation of the eastern wing by the all-powerful western wing which controlled the country’s capital and its economic and military might.

Early Movement: In 1948 a movement was initiated to make Bengali one of the state languages of Pakistan. This can be termed the first stirrings of the movement for an independent Bangladesh. The demand for cultural freedom gradually led to the demand for national independence. During that language movement Sheikh Mujib was arrested and sent to jail. During the blood-drenched language movement in 1952 he was again arrested and this time he provided inspiring leadership of the movement from inside the jail.

In 1954 Sheikh Mujib was elected a member of the then East Pakistan Assembly. He joined A K Fazlul Huq’s United Front government as the youngest minister. The ruling clique of Pakistan soon dissolved this government and Shiekh Mujib was once again thrown into prison. In 1955 he was elected a member of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly and was again made a minister when the Awami League formed the provincial government in 1956. Soon after General Ayub Khan staged a military coup in Pakistan in 1958, Sheikh Mujib was arrested once again and a number of cases were instituted against him. He was released after 14 months in prison but was re-arrested in February 1962. In fact, he spent the best part of his youth behind the prison bars.

Supreme Test: March 7, 1971 was a day of supreme test in his life. Nearly two million freedom loving people assembled at the Ramna Race Course Maidan, later renamed Suhrawardy Uddyan, on that day to hear their leader’s command for the battle for liberation. The Pakistani military junta was also waiting to trap him and to shoot down the people on the plea of suppressing a revolt against the state. Sheikh Mujib spoke in a thundering voice but in a masterly well-calculated restrained language. His historic declaration in the meeting was: "Our struggle this time is for freedom. Our struggle this time is for independence." To deny the Pakistani military an excuse for a crackdown, he took care to put forward proposals for a solution of the crisis in a constitutional way and kept the door open for negotiations.

The crackdown, however, did come on March 25 when the junta arrested Sheikh Mujib for the last time and whisked him away to West Pakistan for confinement for the entire duration of the liberation war. In the name of suppressing a rebellion the Pakistani military let loose hell on the unarmed civilians throughout Bangladesh and perpetrated a genocide killing no less than three million men, women and children, raping women in hundreds of thousands and destroying property worth billions of taka. Before their ignominious defeat and surrender they, with the help of their local collaborators, killed a large number of intellectuals, university professors, writers, doctors, journalists, engineers and eminent persons of other professions. In pursuing a scorch-earth policy they virtually destroyed the whole of the country’s infrastructure. But they could not destroy the indomitable spirit of the freedom fighters nor could they silence the thundering voice of the leader. Tape recordings of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib’s 7th March speech kept on inspiring his followers throughout the war.

Return and Reconstruction: Forced by international pressure and the imperatives of its own domestic predicament, Pakistan was obliged to release Sheikh Mujib from its jail soon after the liberation of Bangladesh and on 10 January 1972 the great leader returned to his beloved land and his admiring nation.

But as he saw the plight of the country his heart bled and he knew that there would be no moment of rest for him. Almost the entire nation including about ten million people returning from their refuge in India had to be rehabilitated, the shattered economy needed to be put back on the rail, the infrastructure had to be rebuilt, millions had to be saved from starvation and law and order had to be restored. Simultaneously, a new constitution had to be framed, a new parliament had to be elected and democratic institutions had to be put in place. Any ordinary mortal would break down under the pressure of such formidable tasks that needed to be addressed on top priority basis. Although simple at heart, Sheikh Mujib was a man of cool nerves and of great strength of mind. Under his charismatic leadership the country soon began moving on to the road to progress and the people found their long-cherished hopes and aspirations being gradually realized.

Assassination: But at this critical juncture, his life was cut short by a group of anti-liberation reactionary forces who in a pre-dawn move on 15 August 1975 not only assassinated him but 23 of his family members and close associates. Even his 10 year old son Russel’s life was not spared by the assassins. The only survivors were his two daughters, Sheikh Hasina - now the country’s Prime Minister - and her younger sister Sheikh Rehana, who were then away on a visit to Germany. In killing the father of the Nation, the conspirators ended a most glorious chapter in the history of Bangladesh but they could not end the great leader’s finest legacy- the rejuvenated Bengali nation. In a fitting tribute to his revered memory, the present government has declared August 15 as the national mourning day. On this day every year the people would be paying homage to the memory of a man who became a legend in his won lifetime. Bangabandhu lives in the heart of his people. Bangladesh and Bangabandhu are one and inseparable. Bangladesh was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s vision and he fought and died for it.


My practical experience, some of new leaders of BNP (retired amla) wants to be leader. They want to show something to Khaleda Zia in strike period. Want to be talk of the day as like Sadek Hossain Khoka. Khoka hold liquid tomato pack with him and blasted in due time while police caught him on the streets. Remember people? Shamsher Mobin Choudhury Beer Bikram Freedom fighter, I salute for his contribution, but I enjoyed his acting on strike period with police SI. He want to be arrested then news will be like this “Beer Bikram Shamsher Mobin Choudhury didn’t relief from the police tortured.

Good attitude but no need to do this simple acting for growing the attraction of Khaleda. Next time he will be foreign Minister if BNP comes to the power.




From Memory of Liberation War

16/05/2011 09:11

I was only 17 years old and the youngest one of a six brothers of the family. IIn the year of 1953 I came to this beautiful world whileviolent storm was shivering mother earth. In the month of April on the 13th which happened to be a Tuesday, I cried for the first time on my mothers’ lap and all my relatives rejoiced. It was an occasion of double happiness because my birth brought the long happy New Year along with it.This is Mukthi, Mukthishena71, somebody called me Mokter, some one mothul, but in 1971 I have changed my name when I have joined the Liberation war as a freedom fighter. The freedom fighter of Bangladesh liberation war called Mukthi bahini / Mukthifouze / Mukthishena, just I have found the new name so no one can call me others name which is not perfect and didn’t like. I became Mukthi, Moktel Hossain Mukthi. I’m from South Akal Barish Village, Banshgadi Union under Kalkini UpaZila of Madaripur district.

Basically I have sung tagore songs in the media. Sometimes composing the music and lyricist I couldn’t anything in my life. Neither had I done anything for the people nor for my family due to my abnormality in 1975 august. Whereas, I got so many opportunity/ chances in my life that I couldn’t proper used for the people whom I loved so much. I loved father of nation Bangabandhu we couldn’t safe him & his family in 1975 being a freedom fighter that was one kind of burning fire on my heartiest chest of bottom.

I have cried a lot on the streets in 1975 for Bangabandhu even I was on the streets until midnight as a mad (I was in then PG Hospital under treatment of Dr. Hazera Mahtab (daughter of Late Dr. Ibrahim & wife of Dr. Fashiuddin Mahtab) three months. the Ministry of Land allowed my job without pay of there months salary due to my abnormality.

After liberation father of nation Bangabandhu & first Prime Minister of Bangladesh Late tajuddin Ahmed had given me a job in the mi

nistry of land in 1972.  I have worked with 11 Ministers & 9 full secretary including Abu Taher (Bangabandhu was selected him for Governor of Dhaka Division) M. Mokammel Huq, M. Keramat ALi, Golam Mostofa, jamsher Uddin Dr. Kamal Uddin Siddiqui, Md, Shahidul Alam and other so many. 

It is my great pleasure that I have worked with late abdur rob serniabat, Mollah Jalal, Sri Fonibhushon Majumdar, demoted Minister Mohamed Ullah (few days President of Bangladesh)

I have beaten the police officer at Tejgaon Rail line in 1976 in absence of mind than finally central jail. The police beaten me whole night’s even put hot water to my face. Do you know why I have beaten that police officer?  Yes, which I want to tell you that police sub inspector used slang and foul language to father of nation Shahid Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib, sheikh kamal, sheikh jamal and sheikh fazlul haque moni at that midnight while I was coming from FDC Studio. After 14 days my elder brother took out me from the custody and finally PG Hospital for mental treatment. Dr. said its not mental case, just keep him as he as wants to do.

Second thing: I was in Japan in 1992. On e day I have participated 21 February program which was arranged by Bangladesh Embassy of Tokyo, Japan. The program will be inaugurated by the Deputy High Commissioner Bangabandhu murderer Lt. Col. Rashed Choudhury instead of the High Commissioner. The ex student leader Md. Kofiluddin, Akbor, Prince, mezbah, Apu sarwar will not allow Rashed Choudhury to touch the national and black mourn flags. They made rally to protect him from the inauguration program and I was one of them to protest & postpone entire program and if killer Rashed Choudhury inaugurate the program we will not perform at the same program. High Commission called police nearby 5 hundreds of police surround us. Police commissioner came and spokes all of us, than he realized the real situation.  That was an ideals decision by all of us.  

The empty ground of Bengali nation will never be fulfilling without Shahid Bangabandhu & Late 4 National Leaders. I am writing the song of remembrances those heroes given the independence of Bengali nation & singing on occasionally. It is my great pleasure that I was closed to them all in 1972-1975 august 15.

More interesting some of story I’d like to tell you. Later on I was PS to Md. Noor Ali, Chairmen & Managing Director, Unique Group (1997-2001). Noor Ali was nominated by Awami League in 2001 for Nawabganj constituency. Late Agricultural Economist Shankar Goswami, President Bangladesh Student League (former APS to HPM AFM Bahauddin Nasim was the Secretary General of NASIM GOSWAMI COUNCIL) was political secretary. Shankar and I lead the entire election campaign at Nawabganj in 2001. I have written 10 songs for that election and published an album in favor of BOATS & NOOR ALI. You know 2001 National Assembly Election was engineering by the army and CIA PISI so Awami league failure to get the power.

Thereafter, it was very sad heart paining story.  Some of miscreants suddenly had attacked to Unique Group to heats NOOR ALI but he was in out only they found some of staffs and me. They hits me, kicks me as the human people some times beating the animals. They took my hair from my foreheads’. I apologized for my campaign, album & supporting Awami league. I said forgive me, I beg pardon as a freedom fighter to them. Leave me the country, I will never come and never sing any songs of Bangabandhu & Awami league. Everything i have reported to present Finance Minister and other but no response properly and those miscreants had hurt me still their in Gulshan Banani area. Being a freedom fighter I want justice. I want a major punishment of OC Nassir who was in Gulshan PS in 2002. Still I don't know is he in job or not? 

No more dear friends ……………      

The memorial music album of Bangabandhu “mukthir gaan” 1 2 & 3 you may listen on:

Why Bengali needs separation from Pakistan? In August 1947, the Partition of India gave birth to two new states named Pakistan and India. Areas containing the Muslim-majority became Pakistan while areas with Hindu majority states became India. The new nation of Pakistan included two geographically and culturally separate areas in the east and the west of India. The western zone was popularly (and for a period of time, also officially) termed West Pakistan and the eastern zone (modern-day Bangladesh) was initially termed East Bengal and later, East Pakistan. It was widely perceived that West Pakistan dominated politically and exploited the East economically, leading to many grievances.
On the 25 March 1971, rising political discontent and cultural nationalism in East Pakistan was met by brutal[8] suppressive force from the ruling elite of the West Pakistan establishment in what came to be termed Operation Searchlight.

The violent crackdown by West Pakistan forces led to East Pakistan declaring its independence as the state of Bangladesh and to the start of civil war. The war led to a sea of refugees (estimated at the time to be about 10 million) flooding into the eastern provinces of India Facing a mounting humanitarian and economic crisis, India started actively aiding and organizing the Bangladeshi resistance army known as the Mukti Bahini.

East Pakistani grievances

Economic exploitation

West Pakistan (consisting of four provinces: Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and North-West Frontier Province) dominated the divided country politically and received more money from the common budget than the more populous East.

Year Spending on West Pakistan (in crore Rupees) Spending on East Pakistan (in crore Rupees) Amount spent on East as percentage of West

1950–55 1,129 524 46.4

1955–60 1,655 524 31.7

1960–65 3,355 1,404 41.8

1965–70 5,195 2,141 41.2

Total 11,334 4,593 40.5

Source: Reports of the Advisory Panels for the Fourth Five Year Plan 1970-75, Vol. I, published by the planning commission of Pakistan (Quick reference: crore = 107, or 10 million)

Political differences

Although East Pakistan accounted for a majority of the country’s population (14), political power remained firmly in the hands of West Pakistanis, specifically the Punjabis. Since a straightforward system of representation based on population would have concentrated political power in East Pakistan, the West Pakistani establishment came up with the "One Unit" scheme, where all of West Pakistan was considered one province. This was solely to counterbalance the East wings votes. Ironically, after the East broke away to form Bangladesh, the Punjab province insisted that politics in West Pakistan now be decided on the basis of a straightforward vote, since Punjabis were more numerous than the other groups, such as Sindhis, Pashtuns, or Balochs.

After the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan, Pakistans first prime minister, in 1951, political power began to be concentrated in the President of Pakistan, and eventually, the military. The nominal elected chief executive, the Prime Minister, was frequently sacked by the establishment, acting through the President.
East Pakistanis noticed that whenever one of them, such as Khawaja Nazimuddin, Muhammad Ali Bogra, or Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy were elected Prime Minister of Pakistan, they were swiftly deposed by the largely West Pakistani establishment. The military dictatorships of Ayub Khan (27 October 1958 – 25 March 1969) and Yahya Khan (25 March 1969 – 20 December 1971), both West Pakistanis, only heightened such feelings.

Historic Speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 7 March 1971

The situation reached a climax when in 1970 the Awami League, the largest East Pakistani political party, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a landslide victory in the national elections. The party won 167 of the 169 seats allotted to East Pakistan, and thus a majority of the 313 seats in the National Assembly. This gave the Awami League the constitutional right to form a government. However, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (a Sindhi), the leader of the Pakistan Peoples Party, refused to allow Rahman to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Instead, he proposed the idea of having two Prime Ministers, one for each wing. The proposal elicited outrage in the east wing, already chafing under the other constitutional innovation, the "one unit scheme". Bhutto also refused to accept Rahmans Six Points. On 3 March 1971, the two leaders of the two wings along with the President General Yahya Khan met in Dhaka to decide the fate of the country. Talks failed. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called for a nation-wide strike.

On 7 March 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman delivered a speech at the Racecourse Ground (now called theSuhrawardy Udyan). In this speech he mentioned a further four-point condition to consider the National Assembly Meeting on 25 March:

1. The immediate lifting of martial law.

2. Immediate withdrawal of all military personnel to their barracks.

3. An inquiry into the loss of life.

4. Immediate transfer of power to the elected representative of the people before the assembly meeting 25 March.

He urged "his people" to turn every house into a fort of resistance. He closed his speech saying, "Our struggle is for our freedom. Our struggle is for our independence." This speech is considered the main event that inspired the nation to fight for their independence. General Tikka Khan was flown in to Dhaka to become Governor of East Bengal. East-Pakistani judges, including Justice Siddique, refused to swear him in.

Between 10 and 13 March, Pakistan International Airlines cancelled all their international routes to urgently fly "Government Passengers" to Dhaka. These "Government Passengers" were almost all Pakistani soldiers in civilian dress. MV Swat, a ship of the Pakistani Navy, carrying ammunition and soldiers, was harbored in Chittagong Port and the Bengali workers and sailors at the port refused to unload the ship. A unit of East Pakistan Rifles refused to obey commands to fire on Bengali demonstrators, beginning a mutiny of Bengali soldiers.

Military imbalance

Bengalis were under-represented in the Pakistan military. Officers of Bengali origin in the different wings of the armed forces made up just 5% of overall force by 1965; of these, only a few were in command positions, with the majority in technical or administrative posts.[15] West Pakistanis believed that Bengalis were not "martially inclined" unlike Pashtuns and Punjabis; the "martial races" notion was dismissed as ridiculous and humiliating by Bengalis.[15] Moreover, despite huge defence spending, East Pakistan received none of the benefits, such as contracts, purchasing and military support jobs. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 over Kashmir also highlighted the sense of military insecurity among Bengalis as only an under-strength infantry division and 15 combat aircraft without tank support were in East Pakistan to thwart any Indian retaliation during the conflict. 

 Khaleda Zia has every reason to consternate when all the major global news network such as Reuters, AP, AFP, etc., are reporting that her youngest son, Arafat Rahman Koko, is in the thick of an extortion operation centered in Dhaka during 2002-2006 when she was the PM of Bangladesh.  For better or worse, let me call this investigation the Kokogate.  Bangladesh has never experienced anything big like this and trust me, when it will be over, there will be casualties.  This investigation has the underpinning of quite a few foreign governments who are very eager to see that the culprits who ran this extortion scheme are taken to task..

The timing for the U.S. government officials to visit Dhaka could not have been better.  The newly elected government of Hasina wants to put an end to political extortion and the U.S. authorities know that it will be easier to make the extortion case against Khaleda Zia’s son right now than say a year ago when a caretaker government was running the country.

Khaleda Zia had it too good when she was running the country from October 2001 to October 2006.  She let her eldest son, Tarek Rahman, run a parallel government sitting in ‘Hawa Bhavan’, while her second son, Arafat Rahman Koko, an “accomplished” businessman run the business side of the family.  How good things could be for Zia family.  Political power, money, they have everything.  But like any side story of Mahabharata, all the power, all the misbegotten wealth, could not keep the family in high standing.

Khaleda Zia suffered a catastrophic defeat in December 29, 2008 parliamentary election.  She never offered her concession speech to the victor, Sheikh Hasina.  To add insult to injury, she said that the election was rigged on the face of all the newspaper report that which stated that this was the most fair election this nation of 145 million ever had.  Hundreds of foreign observers also had opined that the election was peaceful and fair and there weren’t any violence on the day of election.

Khaleda Zia’s worst fear may come true now that the foreign governments’ agents are in Dhaka to brief the ACC, the chief corruption fighting wing of the government, and other agencies of Bangladesh government.  It was very convenient for her in old days to say that her family has many political enemies and all the allegations are false and politically motivated.  However, Bangladeshis are not in a mood to listen to her vituperation.  Most newspaper editorials published in Dhaka had commended the works of foreign government. Bangladesh’s people are also most eager to see that the $ 200 million, which Khaleda Zia’s “smart” son with so much business acumen had extracted from German company Siemens, find its way to return government treasury. China Communications Construction Co, a giant port builder in China also bribed Khaleda Zia’s son, Koko, to obtain a lucrative construction job in Bangladesh.  It seems as if Khaleda’s two boys became Mr. Ten Percent in the heydays of Khaleda rule!   

I see a parallel between what happens in low-income urban minority families in America with that of what happened to Khaleda Zia’s family.  Simply driven by greed many young men in urban America get involved in illegal drug business.  They willingly take the risk, earn fast buck, and give part of the easy money to their single mother who gladly accepts it only to find a few days later that her son was gunned down by the rival gang in a turf fight.  Well, something almost similar happens to Khaleda Zia family.  The two sons of Khaleda Zia get involved in making easy but illegal money because they know very well that as long as their mother is in catbird seat of power in Bangladesh, they could extort money from foreign companies who want to do business in Bangladesh. It will be laughable if I hear that Khaleda Zia was not aware of her sons’ involvement in all these misadventures.  Now she will have to prepare herself to pay the penalty for the sin of her sons.  I sometimes wonder if General Zia were alive today, how he was to react to his sons’ follies.

The heart of the problem the Zia family is facing these days lies in the fact that these folks are not educated at all.  People go to the seat of higher learning to open their mind and learn from the follies made by powerful people throughout the history starting from antiquity.  A truly educated person won’t do what Koko and Tarek have done most willingly.  They simply thought that they are untouchable. Did not Khaleda Zia warn them about their high risk misadventure when they were abusing power that emanated from their mother?  In my judgment, Khaleda Zia bears some responsibility in this fiasco.

Please do compare the performance of Khaleda Zia’s family with that of Sheikh Hasina vis-à-vis influence peddling and making tons of money with it. Unlike Khaleda Zia whose family is into hedonism and making gobs of money to sustain such worldly pleasure, Hasina Wajed gave education to her two children.  Also, I am yet to see a bona fide complaint made against Hasina Wajed’s two kids in respect to making easy money by influence peddling.  Lately, in the Internet I read some unsubstantiated allegations, which stated that Sheikh Hasina’s son has business of worth $ 300 million.  The last I know that Hasina’s son was employed and then he went for grad school.  A person who has assets over $ 300 million won’t work under another person or will not go for a master’s degree. Until no confirmation comes, I would characterize this mere a mudslinging to redirect our atention from emerging Kokogate.

From various news reports on Kokogate I learned that besides Khaleda Zia’s two sons quite a few BNP ministers from 2001 to 2006 are also partners in this extortion scheme.  The ACC officials in Dhaka are tightlipped about the identity of this crime syndicate.  During Khaleda Zia’s reign these politicians thought no power inside Bangladesh could ever touch them.  But sadly how wrong they were!

The ill-gotten $ 200 million, which was laundered by various financial institutions, is now ensconced in a bank in Singapore.  This rumor about Khaleda Zia’s sons depositing millions of bribe money in Singapore bank was circulating in various South Asian websites in the Net for more than a year but when 2 U.S. government agents from Washington DC came to Dhaka to investigate the laundered money, many heads were turning in Dhaka.  Also, there is a deafening silence in BNP camps and that includes Khaleda Zia herself.

In a just society no crime should ever go unpunished, but then Bangladesh never aspired to have a just society.  Even then, a crime committed by Khaleda Zia’s two illiterate sons is not going to go unpunished.  I am hoping the wheel of justice would turn finally and the sons of Khaleda Zia and their sidekicks from BNP would rot in jail.  This time the authorities should not treat them as VIP.  They have committed a serious crime when they thought they were above the law.  Now harsh reality is setting in.  The take home message is — no one is above the law.

There should be learning for Khaleda Zia too.  She failed to educate her sons and that was not all. She let loose her boys to control the government and sell favors.  Many sidekicks gathered around Khaleda Zia’s boys and we learned that they were all unsavory characters like her sons.  Together, they became a crime syndicate of high order.  Their profligate lifestyle in Dhaka during Khaleda’s rule was talk-of-the-town.  Thus, when Tarek Rahman’s sidekick, Mamun, was arrested in early 2007, it became a very hot topic of conversation both in the media and in drawing rooms.

 In summary, the revelation that Khaleda Zia’s “smart” businessman son Koko had ensconced a cool sum of $ 200 million in Singapore Bank is making news allover the world.  This money was not hard earned, but came as manna from heaven.  Thanks to Khaleda Zia for paving the way to heaven for her sons.  During her “difficult” reign, dollar bills were literally falling from sky but it was for her two sons and a bunch of cronies.  The payback time nears now.  Who says – crime pays?  Similar to single mothers in Brooklyn, Bronx, and many other cities in America, who found it out that the crime spree of their kids did not last long, Khaleda Zia will also learn the same bitter lesson rather belatedly.  Nobody is above the law.  Those two notorious and profligate boys of Bangladesh’s ex-PM Khaleda will this time learn a lesson of lifetime.  The bread of deceit was sweet to Tarek and Koko; but afterwards their mouths shall be filled with gravel.  Need I say more?  

Dr. A.H. Jaffor Ullah, a researcher and columnist, writes from New Orleans, USA